Except for the small cast of great men endowed with sufficient aptitude to be architects of History, political changes are never the work of a single individual, but are carried out through figures who at a certain moment act as a catalyst for a process.
The multi-organ crisis of the 1978 Regime is also explained by the convergence of a personal factor and another of a collective nature: at its origin it is the timely confluence of two resentments.
On the one hand, the resentment of Pedro Sanchezguiding principle of the political biography of a reprobate who, to make up for the outrage of his beheading, waited for his moment to evict the nomenclature that had denigrated him.
On the other hand, the resentment of the radical left. That latent civil war spirit that had not given up on undertaking the pending revolution frustrated in the Transition.
To the smell of Pablo Iglesias He did not miss the window of opportunity that was open to him to resume that always delayed legal subversion with the advent of a man without attributes or scruples, motivated by the sole desire to exact revenge against the establishment of his party.
Carles Puigdemont intervenes, via telematic means, in a meeting of the Junts leadership with its mayors.
And although it is true that that inauguration hug ended up becoming the bear hug, it can be said that Iglesias triumphed posthumously. The PSOE vampirized the weak link of the coalition, but with this Podemos inoculated the ruling party with some notes of the anti-system discourse.
The electoral arithmetic of the new century contributed to this, which trusted the PSOE’s options to growth on its left. With the change of cycle inaugurated with the Andalusian elections of 2022, the radicalization of Sánchez’s speech began, but the replacement of the bipartisan scheme with the plurinational equation had already begun with Zapatero.
Because Sánchez’s “wall” is nothing more than the full deployment of the logic of the Tinell pact: a collusion between the left and nationalism to exclude the right in governability.
Zapatero’s golem thus became the destituent force to which all enemies of the current order adhered. And the radical left and the independence movement saw in Sánchez a vehicle to change the axis of Spanish politics and consummate the victory of the defeated about the winners.
The problem is that The PSOE, in its inveterate ambivalence, always has one foot outside and one foot inside the establishment.
The key to his success has been his mutant character, which has allowed him to adapt successively to different ideologies to maintain the Sinistrist hegemony, always playing the Thermidorian reaction: radicalizing his discourse to neutralize the most extreme forces to his left.
Pablo Iglesias is right, therefore, in reproaching the PSOE for having bought his theses on the lawfarebut that has not materialized them with a legal reform of the Judiciary.
Today’s RTVE is the result of the PSOE making an agreement with all the parties that made the investiture possible, leaving out the PP and VOX. If they had done the same with the CGPJ, today they would not have to mourn what happened to the former State Attorney General.#MalasLenguas pic.twitter.com/rBSXwQjjeF
— Pablo Iglesias 🔻{R} (@PabloIglesias) November 27, 2025
Always so explicit, Iglesias has recently defended on La 1 that “what was done with Spanish Television, an agreement with all the forces of the investiture leaving out the right, is what should be done in many more areas”: the judiciary, the media and companies.
If that “full democracy” that was applied to the renewal of the RTVE Board of Directors had been achieved, if it had “engaged in politics” and “changed the correlation of forces” by also reforming the General Council of the Judiciary, then Sánchez would not have to regret having his attorney general convicted, “and the next elections would not be won by the right.”
With a similar plot line, Carles Puigdemont It displeased Sánchez in a recent forum that he has taken on the independence movement’s story about the “political conflict” in Catalonia, but that he does not draw all the consequences from it.
The imprisonment of Santos Cerdanarchitect of the Frankenstein investiture agreements, It is the retaliation of the Judiciary for having agreed with nationalism. Therefore, “if Spanish socialism wants to get out of the abyss, it only has one option: undertake the rupture that they refused to do 50 years ago.” [el Pacto de la Transición]” and “recognize the right to self-determination” of Catalonia.
In short, the radical left and nationalism are pointing out to Sánchez that, for not having gone to the end in changing the political model, now the deep state He is doing with the PSOE the same thing he did with the “dirty war” against the podemitas and the judicial persecution of the indepes.
It is not that Sánchez does not share the same exclusive vision of politics as his partners. But if he is not completely “coherent”, as he is criticized, it is simply because he cannot go that far.
Sánchez has moved the PSOE to the anti-system shore, but he does not have the necessary forces to carry the fight to the end and meet the demand of Ione Herb of “bursting to the right.”
The PSOE is obliged to maintain its status as an organ of the regime. Fight the deep state, but be the state party. And Sánchez knows that in Spain judges enjoy much greater social consideration than politicians, so launching into an all-out war against the judiciary would be suicide.
Unfortunately for his most rebellious partners, The current one is better for the PSOE the state in which that the breakup. After all, you can reach a similar fate by eviscerating the system from within, as you are in fact doing.