as global power was reconfigured

Gurpegui, a radio, television and press collaborator and Culture critic, has established himself as one of the most authoritative voices who hold the first power today, in his Trumpist age, unrecognizable to many.

It is in the context of general confusion as to what it is I think ambitious and current It must be read, the present can be placed within a wider historical arc, until such cases seem inevitable.

Indeed, we are not before the chronicle used by Trump until before interpretation of an erawith a basic conviction: this is not a common anomaly in the United States, but a symptom of a deeper restructuring of the world order.

Gurpegui describes his intellectual familiarity with Washington’s rules, but also a European perspective that watches with dismay the collapse of liberal hegemony, a product of its own internal contradictions and resentments in recent decades.

The book is structured as a historical journey that traces the great foundational moment of the Western imagination, which was the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.

The image of Reagan in Berlin demanding that Gorbachev destroy “this wall” functions as the inaugural scene of a story that seems to herald the definitive victory of democratic liberalism.

Prelude to the finale of the story. From this moment, the author reconstructs the end of the bipolar world and the Soviet collapse.

This ambitious and timely idea is part of a core belief: Trump is not a common anomaly in the United States

The war in Ukraine marks the point of no return. The final key to the Fukuyama diagnostic attack. Because the Russian invasion confirms the ideological and strategic mutation of the old consensuses, which do not work unless others are on the horizon to replace them.

Here, Trump appears not only as a political figure, but also as a destabilizing factor: populist nationalism with the MAGA idea turned into a pivot and a “big garrote” foreign policy eroding the unchanging alliances we form.

Let’s say that, according to the author, Trumpism is an internal product of current contradictions. But it is also an accelerator of change on the outside, which is where Trump populism brings internal tension and displaces third-party malaise.

The book has a classical feel: extensive chapters, historical references and a certain desire to let go. His style is direct, sometimes sentimental, with a taste for metaphors and for narratives where leaders like Reagan, Gorbachev, Trump or Xi represent the great forces of history.

The conclusion that transcends it is disturbing: the liberal order born in 1989 was not the end of anything, but a parenthesis.

Trumpism appears as one of the possible names for this transition in a more fragmented world, without effective multilateral institutions, without international law worthy of this name.

History, to the left of the monastery, opens with new protagonists, but with the old rules of a more Hobbesian world.

As luck would have it, the one who passed in Las Vegas was a quedaba in Las Vegas, and it is the exact opposite diagnosis that is defined here: what happens in washington doesn’t happen in washington. This book helps us listen to our keys.