The information received today by EL ESPAÑOL, starting with the announcements from diplomatic sources consulted, allow us to conclude that the call is Ley de Nietos supported by the government oscillates at best between different administrative bodies and silent manipulation of wealthin peor
This legislation is formulated through an additional octave provision of the Ley de Memoria Democratica, the theoretical objective of which is to allow those born in foreign countries who are hijos or niños of Spanish origin and who have lost or renounced their nationality as a result of their exile “for political, ideological reasons, religion or sexual identity” to observe Spanish nationality.
But the first aspect that makes this phenomenon deeply disturbing is its magnitude.
The respect of one’s own executive points to cases of two thousand and a half granted nationalities when parts of the offer or resolution are completed. What does the balance of the Historical Memory Act mean? Zapatero of 2007, which granted 373,616 nationalities for more than ten years.
For this reason, these numbers can be scandalous in themselves in the real context, marked by recorded data on the arrival of immigrants from which Pedro Sánchez as president (with consequent strain on infrastructures and public services) and for contumacy in the open door policy, which distances itself from the contemporary consensus in Europe.
But This regulation contains several suspicious elements which gives new citizens the right to vote in general, autonomous and European elections to include them in the Censo de Españoles Residentes Ausentes (CERA).
In order to do so, part of the government extended the initial two-year window to apply for citizenship, extending it to October 2025 before a flood of petitions overwhelm consular registers.
on the other hand surprises laxity dAND requirements, much less restrictive that they reasoned in Zapater’s law.
An executive-ordered reinterpretation of the law expanded the scope of nationalization so that it was not limited to strictly exiles.
The denial is obvious: there is no need to attribute real and concrete political persecution. Enough that I am a descendant of someone who left Spain between July 18, 1936 and December 31, 1955, which exposes potential fraud.
This is due to the lack of controls.
In the Exteriors form, the interested party has the opportunity to freely choose the precinct from which he will vote “according to the electoral processes”. Every new citizen can register at the municipality without any restrictions, with information about the impossibility of verifying the reasons in practice.
If this is the case with the recent turn of the Minister of Democratic Memory, Angel Victor TorresSuspicion is hard to overcome for countries like Argentina and Chile to enforce the law The government openly supports nationalization.
In addition, the entire process is characterized by absolute opacity.
The government refuses to say exactly how many nationalities have been granted, saying it cannot provide accurate figures because it “is not digitized”.
A simple interpretation, based on the deduction of Sánchez’s migration policy in general, allows us to conclude that we are facing a normative limitation for massive regularization with electoral goals.
Because Ley de Nietos Follow the same patrons that the extraordinary regularization of immigrants announced by the executive: flexibility of procedures, release of documentary records of the organization is negligible and insufficient supervision.
Ah yes, the control model in the administrative white paper, where controls not only motivate irregular connections and prevent the rational management of migration flows, but also generate a lack of control that threatens legal certainty.
I don’t even dare to assume that The PP does not want to accuse Sánchez of trying to “change the election count in the middle square”through the entry of more than two thousand new potential votes in the extranjería “decree” and Ley de Nietos.
To be sure, Hispanic immigration is heterogeneous and that the CERA vote is plural: don’t assume that all these nationalities automatically translate into votes for a voting bloc.
However, it is evident that fast-track regularization creates a bond of political gratitude that allows those who grant documents clearing the ground for electoral cronyism.
And since the nationalization is oriented towards the descendants of the exiles due to the French persecution, it is logical to assume that they will feel less motivated to vote for the executive, as unfairly and macholy as the heirs of this regime.
Even as the questions converge in predicting the debacle of the governing bloc, the president appears to have met for a secret weapon to defeat the probes: a social engineering method of immigration to transform those who worked in it voting hand warning.
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