as he said “the fiercest, bloodiest and most traumatic dictation”

Adamas, guerrilla attacks multiplied (Montoneros, Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo) and paramilitary units, esp Triple Awhich is promoted by the president’s close friend José López Rega. In a country that had suffered five coups since 1930, those of 1976 seemed inevitable.

Of course, there are some significant caveats. The most serious events occurred in the finals of 1975. This year, on December 18, the ultra-nationalist sector of the air force was subjected to an unsuccessful coup attempt. Various aircraft overran the Casa Rosada, although the uprising was repulsed.

A few days later, General Jorge Rafael Videla gives an ultimatum of 90 days government to “order” the country, and on December 29, Monseñor Servando Tortolo met again with Isabel Perón to ask her to abolish it on behalf of the armed forces. On March 24, the coup proved unstoppable.

Unlike Chile’s 1973 song, Argentina didn’t have a sword like Pinochet. The military junta, which undermined democracy, integrated the commanders of the three armies, General Videla, admirer of Emilio Massera and Brigadier General Orlando Agosti.

Historian Carlos Malamud (Buenos Aires, 1951), principal researcher for Latin America at the Real Instituto Elcano, also a major author Military coup and dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983) (Books of the Catarata), explains that the purpose of the soldiers was to restore the country before the outbreak of violence and crisis: “Yes, it was lunar and regenerative. Given the circumstances of March 24, 1976 the guerrilla was practically derailed and paramilitarism was swallowed up by the repressive apparatus of the FF. AA. Another cause was actually the economic crisis.”

Professor Malamud also excels the coup is produced with a wide political and social reaction“and with the complicity of part of the business community (especially the one most involved in international capital and the financial sector), the Catholic Church (starting with the bishops’ conference), part of the press and political parties, including part of Peronism. Including the Argentine Communist Party, with the mention of the Soviet Union, the former importer of Argentine grains, apoyayab and Videla.

“Including Argentina’s Communist Party, under designation of USSR, supported General Videl”. Carlos Malamud

In turn, although the coup plotters tried to gain the support of the US government, according to Malamud, “sometimes they lost it and sometimes they didn’t. With the Jimmy Carter administration, for example, relations were very strained. Repressive excesses and desapariciones were a constant source of conflict with the EE. UU And the difference between Chile and no direct CIA involvement in the coup plot.”

Historian Eduardo Sacheri (Castelar, 1967), who was 8 years old when democracy took hold, recalled that he once lived in a small town in Buenos Aires, “in an environment peculiar to that prosperous middle class which characterized Argentina during much of the twentieth century” and which surrounded it. “the coup was not received with great concern”.

“Argentine society, apart from those with first-hand knowledge of the disappearances, at the beginning sincerely believed that the ‘order’ traditionally associated with the presence of the military (a frequent theme in the everyday culture of the time) would resolve the previous climate of violence”.

Instead, I change writers Clara Obligado (Buenos Aires, 1950), which he is currently launching Exile (Páginas de Espuma), notes that on March 24 he walked with a friend along Avenida 9 de Julio: “It was very late and we were talking about the situation. We were university students and the climate was very difficult. So let’s see that the trucks were carrying periodicals that were going to leave in the morning. They say in huge letters, ‘Milita.

“Argentine society sincerely believed that the soldiers had resolved the previous atmosphere of violence.” Eduardo Sacheri

However, few understood the horror that Acechaba had, because from the first moment the Military Junta decided to eliminate those considered political opponents, and for this reason created secret detention centers across the countrysuch as ESMA (Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada) and the secret detention center La Perla in Córdoba.

But it was not just a question of kidnapping, torture or killing: the Junta wanted to send any signal that opponents existed, that many people escaped. arrojados live into the ocean from planes in the true view of death.

One of the most terrible episodes of this terrible crime took place on September 16, 1976 in the city of La Plata, the capital of the province of Buenos Aires. This night of horrors (the night of snares, if you call it that) and in the following days, ten students under the age of 18 of the High School Student Union were kidnapped and tortured, and six of them were abandoned until they met the rest. The crime, considered subversive, was requested by the Ministerio de Obras Públicas in 1975 for the bus hostel to learn from.

In this climate, those who were enemies of the military government had only two options: el exile or ilandestinidad. Patricio Pron (Rosario, 1975), another activist, assures that once he knew “fake names and the terror that affects a person – especially when he is so young – will never completely disappear”.

“We see the trucks being beaten by the periodicals. They say in big letters ‘Military Coup.’ Shortly afterwards we see many people in the streets.” Clara Obligado

por su parte Leila Warrior (Junín, 1967) I haven’t forgotten yet a climate of honey, repression and darkness was pervaded in all parts. The content of, for example, history books was completely manipulated. Fear was overcome in every way.”

Thousands of intellectuals and creators also decided to go into exile, but they preferred to stay in Argentina, as Ernesto Sabato, Adolfo Bioy Casares y Jorge Luis Borgesthat is why it is said that I won a Nobel Prize for myself the famous photo embracing General Videla. Poet Marcos-Ricardo Barnatán (Buenos Aires, 1946), disciple and friend of the creator El Alephhe points out that although Borges initially supported the coup for his anti-Peronism, “he immediately condemned the crimes”.

Barnatán, who has lived in Spain since 1965, helped many friends, family members and creators “to have the greatest possible peace and security. One of my tasks in those sinister days was to promote periodicals (El País, ABCetc.) a list of disappeared writers, including those who were my professor Harold Conti. Because the 1976 military decree was unlike any other in Argentina, it was the worst, the most furious, the bloodiest, the most traumatic“.

In fact, in April 1977, a group of mothers of some of those seized by the Junta began demonstrating in the Plaza de Mayo, demanding their freedom or at least knowledge of their paradero or their resting place. Y hello and sus nietos. With his white towels on his head, las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo they began to dynamize the regime and became a symbol of resistance against the regime Militias.

According to Barnatán, although Borges initially supported the military coup for his anti-Peronism, he “immediately condemned the crimes of the junta”

Also World Cup played in Argentina in 1978 He called upon the whole world to celebrate this event under such an implacable rule. But the definitive coup against the regime was paradoxically promoted by the Junta itself, u invade the Malvinas Islands on 2 April 1982.

Yes, as Malamud explains, “at the start of the invasion, a broad and deep nationalist wave of popular enthusiasm was quickly frustrated by the derogation and level of incompetence of the FF. The increase in political, trade union and even cultural activity was already felt before the invasion.” transition to democracywith the minimum ability of the soldiers to control the tumult of the people, they will not be charged with their crimes before they even attempt it”.

The return on June 14, 1982 will speed up the finale. General Galtieri, a respected representative of the derrota, wanted to resign, and the army appointed General Bignone as president, who announced that power would pass in 1984 to a civilian government. It all ended on October 30, 1983 with the elections that brought victory to Raúl Alfonsín.

Informant “Nunca Mas”which Alfonsín entrusted to the group of cultural figures that he presided over on Saturday, overshadowed the world to discover 340 secret detention centers throughout the country and more than 30,000 of them disappeared, a huge number compared to those caused by the decrees of Brazil (125), Uruguay (144) and 00. 00. edition after the current edition 00. 00. after the current prologue of 1. Moreover, considering the atmosphere of reconciliation followed by Barnatán, today’s queen in Argentina, you are sure that the effects of the coup will continue in our days.

“Desde luego – Pron declares -, that the economic policy of the decree, which no later Argentine democratic government is afraid to touch. And that is the hatred of others, that is the same that presides over the current government, with one important difference: as Pilar Calveiro argues, it is not about killing a large part of the population until it is allowed to die. From hambre. Out of desperation. Diseases that can be prevented. Today, this was the policy of dictation. And the destruction of the idea of ​​a country with more rights for more people, including older people, young people, workers and women, which is what we live in today, is a continuation of this policy.”