Are we really behind?

To begin with, it is not at all clear that the rise of radical or identity-based parties, colloquially known as parties of extreme extremes, it responds to the rise of individualistic values ​​in political contexts where the value of the common good was socially relevant.

Thus, in this new “international” context there are some common elements, but also a proliferation of many contradictory or different elements within themselves.

We are facing a hybrid of an effective polling station that responds to very different keys in each national context.

A hybrid that, while presenting some common grounds, also shows deep differences in depth, sometimes tempered by a common opposition to the hegemonic question (or more precisely by the extent of the progress of the difference that has crossed and captured much of the Western izquierda).

By chance Trump y Mileywhich are usually expressed within the same group of political homologues, have anything that is ideologically true?

?Orbán and does the Visegrad Group respond to the same political logic of the French National Association?

Don’t be afraid to contact your international alliances, near or far from Russia. Putin or the ever-polarizing relationship with Israel: given the extreme historical right, anti-Semitism was an inescapable part of its ideological corpus, as much of the (ultra)denial that is currently in vogue is Zionism at its most defiant, vulnerable, and adverse.

“In Spain, the article was associated with conservative and reactionary positions, with special mention of traditionalism or Carlism”

Enough with the most essential foundations of your political proposal to meet within the radical right ultra-nationalist formations and supporters of radical libertarianism, the anarcho-capitalist profession.

Or even electoral hybrids that try to incorporate both inclinations, with all the difficulties that imply significant circle structuring.

Here is one of the most important aspects that Urquizu offered in his analysis when he linked leaning to the right with truly individualistic values.

In other words, we must be able to define and understand the sign of izquierda-derecha, which has considerable sociological utility, but is even more confused at the political level, due to its many polysemic variables and its confusing and contradictory implications.

Historically, the area was assimilated to the defense of the remnants of the old regime and the privileges of origin (estamentales).

In Spain, the right was associated with conservative and reactionary positions, with special mention of traditionalism or Carlism, the primary involvement of the monarchy and the Catholic Church, not yet embodied in the national Catholicism that pervades much of the 20th century.

If anything, he was completely attuned to this political tradition and precisely what now characterizes much of our political and media right.

The heat of cultivating social and social oresyoutubers Andorrans” (those who in the last few years prescribed the necessity of establishing residence in the old fiscal haven in order to escape the tax burden they were to enter the Spanish “social-communist” government) in the fund imply, a full understanding of the canonical values ​​of patriotic conservatism or traditional Christian democracy.

Above the basis of the internalization of a sovereign and self-sufficient individual, deeply deranged, there is a total break with the anthropological foundations of that cosmovision that maintains an active conversation with the concepts of good community and social justice.

It is embarrassing to see people who want to offer a synchronous ideological trap between Spanish Catholic conservatism and the radical individualism associated with Anglo-Saxon political philosophy embodied by the combination Thatcher–Reagancaptured by the most basic fundamentals premier when she declared to that absolutist Sandez, in whom she firmly believed: “There is no society, only individuals”.

“Anti-globalist nationalism every day and sometimes before the orthodox doctrinal corpus of economic liberalism everyone”

The exposed contradiction is, let’s say, the real ideological corpus of our time. Compliance, with frequency, as a result of total and complete inconsistency.

This is the only way to understand, for example, the ridiculous intentions of Vox, when it comes to rehabilitating a person from a traumatized national Catholicism and clinging to Falangist rhetoric, with Viva Vox, where Javier Milei, whose final aspiration culminates, is the dissolution of patrias at the altar of God’s Market.

Anti-globalist nationalism appears every day and sometimes before the orthodox doctrinal corpus of economic liberalism, all of them. It will be “against zurdos”, worth the flood of histrionics and contradictions of war.

Does the right-wing party with a mission to the square and an aspirant ideological carajal not have an equivalent to the hegemonic izquierda?

In the background, Spain, which is not good for what the rest of the world is going through, Although there is a sad and unbearable tendency to believe in an island that is extremely unique and different from otherssuffering from the convulsions of slow but permanent changes in the world order.

Those proclamations FukuyamaAt the end of the Histories, more complete and elaborate than the caricature that made them a derogatory title, it entered the decline of the liberal order.

The United States, for decades considered the hegemonic power of the defunct unipolar world, has partly undermined its own students of neoliberal education.

It does so through a policy of imperial dominance that combines orange protectionism, constant military meddling that is an alejande of the professed nationalist militancy of the first Trump administration, and an open contempt for any and every tenet of political liberalism, democratic institutions, and international order.

The principles that have always been violated by discretion do not bother them in such a degraded way, based on an explicit and brutal admission of their interests.

They are the sought-after artists who support the delicate castillo of napes of our time, which projects a growing image of fragility, as it will always be on the point of definitive collapse.

Not if Spanish society has definitively abandoned itself in this context, although I suspect that the interest in ideological nomenclature is more uncertain than any rational reasons and reasons.

Strengthening Heart combines heavy doses of identity fanaticism, in which trenchers cling more than ever, with external culture battles and hyperbolic disputes that seek to obscure the dissolution of real ideological differences.

Emphasized political illiberalism accompanied by the great shadow of institutional decay promoted by autocrats of various types, whose only calling card is the desire to be able at any cost and without borders.

And a terrible economic desire, a well-known characteristic of a techno-feudal socio-economic model like the bautizara Varoufakis. A model in which some plutocrats pile obscene form over a great global cloud of extracting greater rents than creating benefits.

A cloud where, paradoxically, thousands of defenseless and vulnerable people converge, for many of those whose lives have been reduced to an uncertain and suffocating journey to survive.

*** Guillermo del Valle Alcalá is abogado and Secretary General of Spain.