I handed them over to PP every day. He experienced first hand the cruelty of the fire in a state that was trying to face terrorism and nationalism that was trying to survive this period to strengthen itself.
I connected the last one thanks to this political phenomenon that I define as myself bridge. Party and nationalism rule after this practice they lead her and follow her: a mutual apoyos agreement within the formation that represents the government in the country of Vasco queda as a trustee of the stone, turned the cases into extortion.
Everything revolves around what happens in Madrid, but the consequences are paid in Euskadi. In the capital of Spain, there are only two protagonists of power: Pedro Sánchez and their members of the legislature, who are reduced to PNV and Bilda in the bathtub. All that remains above.
In recent decades, we have witnessed two parallel phenomena: the reduction to a minimum of expression of national parties (PP and PSE) and the political metastasis of PNV and Bild.
Nothing changes this statement, nor should we compare the British context with the Catalan or Galician one.
The British government’s Justice and Human Rights Council, socialist María Jesús San José, responsible for granting the semi-freedom regime to young people.
In Galicia, nationalism is a minority because there has been no immigration from other parts of Spain. On the contrary, it was the Gallegos who emigrated. In this way, food was used to undermine supremacy based on the exclusion of “surrender” as is common in the countries of Vasco and Cataluña.
Ultimately, given the prevailing nationalism, the PSC remained strong because It is the only PSOE federation that has always been free.
This shows that the more one frees himself from the branch of his national matrix, the more able he is to resist nationalism. On the contrary, the more integrated it is in the central structure, the easier it is to install, as with the PP tank and now with the PSE.
It happened recently at the University of Vasco (UPV-EHU) is a clear example of this.
A group of professors from the Álava campus spoke out against the rector, who decided to cancel the classroom before the Vox report with the excuse of “avoiding bad mayors”.
Through this criticism, the teachers became the target of the abertzales student union, which launched an infamous campaign of support and condemnation against them, including visits to their subjects.
Most of these reported professors belong to broad progressivism and pretend to maintain coherence between their nationalism and their approach to sectarianism against the right. However, despite the embargo, progress in Madrid, supported by Pedro Sánchez, practices the politics of the wall.
“Pedro Sánchez is not interested in a transversal and aggressive PSE against nationalism: he prefers it as a mule and mediator”
Another conflict arose with Korrikaa race organized by the entity AEK — traditionally controlled by abertzale —.
Anticipating its start, the Comisiones Obreras (CCOO) trade union was expelled from its career for financing its plot. The organization believes that the union intervened against the Basque in order to judicially repeat some of the disputes of the public administration.
In these processes, aspirants were required to have a level of language much higher than the actual social usage of the area; ordinary person in administrations controlled by PNV and Bild. Many of these appeals were won by plaintiffs with union support, something that is unacceptable to nationalism.
In both situations we encounter a strange non-nationalist fund that tries to be located in transversal and inclusive terrains.
But I don’t want to explain to you that for your jefe in Madrid this is actually blackmail: it is necessary for the PNV and Bildu to maintain their power.
Bild can therefore be allowed not to call out to people who attack professors or trade unionists, who are in its vast majority progressive voters. There is no point in arguing that there is a sector of the student who “goes on vacation”.
It is the old theory of “uncontrollable elements” which, however, when they are out of control and suppressed, become associated with the apoyo and defense of the right to freedom.
“The right group, not a nationalist who wants to be placed in transverse terrains, does not know that it is blackmail for his jefe in Madrid: it is necessary for PNV and Bilda.”
Episodes like these lead the progressive non-nationalist movement to lose legitimacy and effectiveness in front of its own electorate. There is no point in reviving anything in Madrid.
The highlight of this comes from the representation of the real lehendakari, Imanol Pradales Gilborn and raised in Margen Izquierda, an area historically dominated by socialism.
While PNV occupies this space, PSE’s historical representatives are in Madrid, as Patxi López or Alfonso Gilacting as dedicated assistants to Pedro Sánchez and his policy of confrontation.
It is even more contradictory that the PSE and its university or union representatives never claim to be social agents in the country when they contribute to the support of the wall in Madrid. Pedro Sánchez is not interested in a transversal and aggressive PSE against nationalism: he prefers it as a mule and mediator.
This leads PSE to turn into a “stupid tool” for PNV and Bildaa deplorable example of which is the policy of semi-freedom and imprisonment of prisons. And yes, the possibilities of being a real alternative are definitely there.
It is passing, with a different dynamic and retarded form, exactly the same as with PP.
*** Pedro Chacón is a professor of the history of political thought at UPV-EHU.
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