Throwing out of Iván Espinosa de los Monteros of Vox is not an isolated episode or an arrest, but rather an episode of drift that has left a party of talent, internal plurality and government ambitions stranded for years.
The former co-funder, institutional leader and chief translator of Vox into the language of adult politics is now the latest member of a long list of purges.
Spinosa de los Monteros is not free recorded verse, nor a rebellious baron with his own agenda. He is the man to whom Abascal reported as a guarantee of solvency when Vox longed to be an extra-parliamentary anecdote.
Even if you are not compatible with the house that helped you rise, the problem is not thorny. The problem is in the house.
Because it was like that before Macarena Olonafor which she became a providential candidate in Andalusia, only to be dynamized as she planned her own project.
Before, during and after ido cayendo Ortega Smithhistórico general secretary; Juan García-GallardoVox’s first autonomous vice president; Jose Angel Antelo and other regional managers who laminated how they demonstrated autonomous criteria.
The patron is always the same: he accumulates territorial power, personal political capital or convenient information on an internal machine located in his lap.
Vox management intends to sell each of these salts as a surgical fix for unmeditated egos, addictions, or personal delusions.
But reality does not allow for an explanation ad hoc. What this reality shows is a part that has replaced any damage to collegiality with a cult of authority Santiago Abascaleach time experienced in the circle, more veteran, more hermetic and resistant to criticism.
Espinosa’s expulsion leads, among other things, to very serious allegations regarding the economic functioning of Vox.
Periodic information on solvents, and among them those from EL ESPAÑOL, describe the structure in which the companies around them Ariza y consultant Kiko Méndez-Monasterio They concentrate successful millionaire contracts in good health with public funds allocated to the party.
The Fundación Dissenso, presided over by Abascal himself, has turned into a current recipient of current events from Vox, with media associated with the old Intereconomy universe being supported thanks to this tuberia.
In addition, there is controversy surrounding Abascal’s corporate relationship with the companies involved and the financing through a Hungarian bank circulating around Viktor Orbán.
It’s not just about aesthetics: when a party that lives off the discourse against elites and “caste” seems to be controlled by consultants, foundations and editorial friends who believe in the shadow of their shortcuts, andthe discussion is reduced to pantomime.
The story of the purges is random. You have turned into an organic solar system from which only one can be broadcast, from which internal organs are used as a hammer against dissidents, and from which decisions are boiled down in a circle so limited that militancy has been reduced to appearances.
This contradiction, even if done loyally and with the desire to strengthen the project, is accused of being a traitor, selling PP or being an agent of a media conspiracy.
If they follow the reds, if they report the actions, they will make sure that the nadies come to those who fall into disgrace.
It’s not the anatomy of modern wrestling. It is the manual of a political sect.
But the problem is not only internal.
Vox’s drift has direct consequences on the management of the center in Spain. The party decided in negotiations with the PP to establish a land strategy that will prevent or block the creation of autonomous and municipal governments, where the sum of both would be enough to sell the PSOE.
This behavior, more oriented towards maintaining a victimistic identity that brings tangible results to its constituents, gives arguments Pedro Sánchez.
The message to voters is coming soon. Where PP offers a government agenda, Vox offers an internal civil war. Where PP negotiates, Vox boycotts. Where PP is trying to win, you’ll be happy to stay there unless you get a token trophy that justifies the resistance story.
For voters in the middle, who want something as prosaic as throwing out impuestas, improving public services, strengthening the right-wing state and closing the door on the populist adventure of citizens and nationalists of extraordinary importance, the conclusion is obvious. A party that purges talent, flirts with economic opacity and boycotts the government alternative to PSOE for identity tactics It must be a useful tool. If you find that, another problem.
It was born with the promise of clearing the space of the center, modernizing it and breaking the inertia of the exhausted PP. Now the expulsion of Spinosa de los Monteros confirms the exact opposite: a menguantic, encapsulated project and obsessed with loyalty to the leader over loyalty to ideas.
A party that demands personal sacrifice from everyone… except those who occupy the cornerstone of the structure more like a family business than a political organization.
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