The first big test of Pedro Sánchez before the war in Iran, it was associated with the place where citizens fought the most: the wallet.
The result is a package of eight dollars and 5,000 million euros, which the government presents as a shield against energy inflation, but which manifests itself significantly due to two structural weaknesses: It is fiscally scarred and politically impotent.
The question on the stage of the Council of Ministers, with Sumar in revolt and the plan thwarted by two decrees, highlighted that the problem is not so much the failure of state actions as the absence of political and parliamentary instruments that could be used in an effective and transparent way.
In a strictly financial plan, a lot of cosmetic surgery is planned.
The company is spending time working with a forecast of a €25,000m rise in business-to-business sales thanks to workforce relief to provide temporary relief and maintain a record fiscal position.
Before this number, Sánchez moves up to 5,000 million.
The arithmetic is devastating: if the state leaves you five and you owe it one, it does not protect you, you are facing problem due to crisis.
The government converts a small portion of what you know will come from more into “aid”; the rest in the context of different fuel and energy prices is worth it de facto en the inflationary burden borne by families and businesses.
It is no coincidence that while drivers are paying 31% more for diesel and gasoline engines are falling fast, their own Department of Agriculture is going to pay “300 million more cases in March” just for the war.
The official narrative speaks of a presuppositional effort, but the reality is that the state is rather facing a crisis of what it needs. And the 5000 crore plan is not being followed but consolidating it.
Without new assumptions and with current European tax regulations, Moncloa’s priority is to address the deficit at the country’s doorstep, not the fiscal strength of taxpayers.
The result is a “shield” that discourages some artists, but does not address the central fact: the government must deal with inflation and local publicity as solidarity and small compensation.
Impotence is also manifested in the chosen legal architecture. Sánchez wants to solve the structural problem with a coup d’état, as there are no demands for 2026 or a solvent mayor to see them through.
In the unlikely event that the package is virtuous from an economic point of view, its natural consequence is an economic crisis: extremely high risk due to fickle arithmetic, without the support of one of the annual topics debated and approved by Parliament.
The logic of the park is imposed by the logic of presupposition.
And so the government, which presents itself as the guarantor of the social state, behaves as a manager of similar functions.
The political dimension of the episode is more telling after all. The plan by Sumaru ministers (including the same labor minister who was horrified by Hollywood to attend the Oscars) to refuse to join the Council of Ministers must make concessions directly that the coalition can bring nothing more to the Spaniards than theatre.
The improvised solution was to split the plan into two decrees: one “good”, with fiscal and energy power that can take over the transverse apoya, and the other “toxic”, focused on life, risk of damage and anti-health shield, doomed to uncertain negotiation as a possible parliamentary wreck.
This trope does not respond to a technical suggestion, except to an implicit recognition: the state does not care about money, the concern of bright democratic mayors to decide how to use it.
Life has become the perfect symbol of this impotence. Sumar, ERC, Bildu y Podemos demand freezing, testing and suspending desahucios; Junts warns you that it will fall any ordinance affecting the legal certainty of owners.
El Gobierno ends by promising everyone a lot knowing he can’t deliver on anyone.
The bottom line is that Sánchez is not holding a government mayor; the block mayor holds. A consensus of partners whose common priority is to prevent turnover, not to build stable policies. The same voices that blind the Legislature so that the PP cannot take office cannot approve the Presupuesto, the calado reform or the crisis plan without an overreaction or crusading cry.
The issue of “no war” and the defense of citizens’ pockets was thus undermined by its own decision-making mechanism. The result is a package that is born old: financially insufficient to offset the costs of inflation and politically unable to project security and stability.
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