In his last round of weekly acclamation in the partitocratic echo chamber, the President of the Government took advantage of the Marian blunder in which the leader of the very loyal opposition stumbled for his favorite entertainment: making fun of Feijóoto whom, since the trigger of the last generals, he professes a disdainful and haughty treatment.
That of asking for forgiveness for what one thinks only happens to the PP, he boasted Sánchez. Because “the left does not ask for permission or forgiveness to govern.”
Unusual as they are for the president, These bursts of sincerity are to be appreciated..
Indeed, such is the asymmetry on which the ideological playing field has pivoted since the hemiplegic Transaction, to which the right was born lame. Centrism, weighed down by the guilt complex of having been active in the anti-democratic ranks, wanted to be forgiven for its original Franco sin.
But this meant, alas, handing over to the left the prerogative of issuing the credentials of democracy, which granted it the position of preponderance in the Spanish moral distribution that it still holds today.
The president of the Popular Party, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, in the control session of Congress.
Europa Press
And our unbalanced electoral competition has been running through that bed, in which a right observant of the creed of moderation has been successively losing positions against a left that has never felt obliged to give up its maximalism.
Neither permission nor forgiveness. The motto encapsulates the attitude of superiority and irreverence characteristic of progressivism, quintessenced by this ungallant gallant whose laughter from the inauguration session still reverberates through the halls of Congress.
The 23-J coup was so disheartening for the opposition that the court scribes found an inexhaustible discursive mine: to mock the flaccid right that remained on the threshold of the Moncloa Palace.
That same frustration is what Sánchez has continued to exploit whenever the umpteenth suppuration of rot from the corpses kept in his closet encouraged hopes of, this time, overthrowing the Government. But the mythological resister seemed to say: this would make any ruler fall, but I am inevitable.
Moncloa’s strategy has consisted, therefore, of demoralization.
And nothing is more effective in exasperating a rival than the raw display of power. The unpunished ostentation of the prostitution of the institutions in the face of a powerless opposition that, lacking the means to overthrow the Government, can only go out and kick in the streets in protests like the one Feijóo has called this Thursday.
Hence, the political form of Sanchismo is pornocracy, testimony of insubordination before the most basic informal norms of decorum.
The shamelessness (or shamelessness, depending on how you look at it) of Sanchista praxis, the insensitivity to ethical reproach and the failure to observe moral restraints, is only within the reach of those who not only no penalty for not keeping up appearancesbut rather benefits from the ardor of some coreligionists who long for a legal revolution to reduce the fachosphere.
🟦 Feijóo: “Do you know something? One day a television series will be filmed about his years as president and it will be titled ‘Anatomy of a faker'”
🟥 Sánchez: “Being a good parliamentarian is not among his virtues” pic.twitter.com/4DF459oTeS
— Europa Press (@europapress) November 26, 2025
The problem is that, although impudence allows one to demoralize one’s rival, it also reduces the effectiveness of the story for internal consumption, which is why it ends up also resulting in the demoralization of one’s own.
These are the contraindications of impudence: When you want to stage a mobilizing little theater, you have already seen too much of the tricks.
And when one cries out for the innocent integrity of a prosecutor who he recognized as dependent on his discretion, when he has made it so explicit that the only motivation for the amnesty for the coup plotters was personal convenience, when he has only worried about prosecuting pimping once the dalliances of his former agent are known, when he has taken out the corpse of Franco simultaneously with the disclosure of his corruption, or when he has only taken care to reform the Justice system in the context of the investigation of his relatives, it will be very difficult to find popular support for the populist frontist chant of the lawfare.
The art of deception (in the expression of the Kingdom’s chief cabinet officer) only engenders cynicism and political agnosticism in the long run. And, therefore, apathy.
This is the face and tail of leftist arrogance: It allows the rival to be humiliated, but it also encourages isolation in one’s own sufficiency.
And, in that sense, Sánchez will not escape the fate of his progressive peers, who have ended up falling victims to the fantasies manufactured by their own echo chambers, until they are overwhelmed by the same conservative tidal wave whose strength they underestimated because they took it lightly.