This month, automatic processing was dictated for the game Juan Carlos Peinado against Begoña Gómez It is not a piece of legal doctrine, but a list of those in the office of the President Sánchez in the center of private enforcement of public resources.
The magistrate follows the instruction and draws attention to four criminal acts, which in the abstract are based on the chronology of electronic correspondence, facts and statements of officials.
The case does not revolve around an ethical question, but about the systematic use of the structure of the Presidency of the Government to support a specific commercial activity.
The most serious charge, embezzlement of public funds, is kept in the picture Cristina Álvarezprogram director of the General Secretariat of the Presidency.
In the car, Álvarez acted not only as Gómez’s personal assistant until he directly managed the relationship with the patrons of the University of the Complex University and coordinated the billing of private services.
After treating Álvarez as a necessary collaborator, the decision revealed that the salary and time of a high-ranking official had been diverted in favor of a private company: Transforma TSC SL
It is at this point that Peinado makes the sharpest quote to point out that this confusion between state employees and service to the leader’s family is “the behavior of absolutist regimes.”
Accusations of misappropriation bring even more concrete data about the economic crisis. The referee describes the software in detail Transformationintended to mediate the social impact of companies, was funded with more than 102,000 euros from donations from Indra, Telefónica and Google to Complutense University.
No embargo, Gómez registered the platform under its name with the Spanish Patent and Trademark Office.
It is clear that this maneuver was carried out during the investigation of the contractual relationship of the educator or investigator with the university, which would justify the ownership of the software and thus deprive the public institution of an established asset with its prestige and rewards.
As for the operation of influences, the focus is maintained in the recommendation cards signed by Gómez in favor of companies from Juan Carlos Barabés.
The judge will win these commissions with the subsequent assessment of contracts worth 10.2 million euros by the public entity Red.es.
The accuracy of the instruction shows that the relationship between the creation of the Chair of Social Competitive Transformation and the financing of Globalia (the launch of Air Europa, bought 475 million euros from the public) was not a coincidence, to the engine of red common interests that drove the investigation from his privileged position.
The disturbing symbolism also suggests that confirmation of this process was given to Pedro Sánchez and was presented during an official trip to China.
While the Spanish state reacts to suspicions of corruption, which do not only seek Gómez, up to the hands of the president and his circle of greatest collaborators, the marriage seeks a protocol refuge in the autocracy, where the division of power is one entelequia.
In Beijing, where the standards of liberal democracies are seen as weak and elite corruption is tolerated (or purged) solely according to the criteria of party loyalty and convenience for You are JinpingSánchez finds a free ecosystem of “harassment” of an independent judiciary.
It is a bloody paradox: Huye, president of the “absolutist” version of the Madrid court, to be committed to a regime that practices it in a systemic form, and the patrimonialization of the state, which is being investigated in the country, would not be a crime, down to the standard of conduct for nomenclature.
Pedro Sánchez’s persistence in classifying the procedure as a political maneuver directly shocks him with the solidity of the accounting indices.
In an economy that demands legal certainty and transparency, the use of the Palacio de la Moncloa as a seat for family businesses is a wake-up call that goes beyond party politics.
Respect for liberal institutions is not demonstrated by attacks on the juez instructor, nor by the fact that huidas has a clear geographic focus on human rights without guaranteeing that the line between the public purse and private interests is absolute and unbreakable.
The health of democracy lies in its ability to prevent that the monarch’s surroundings are treated in the state as his own private patrimony.
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